Israels attack on Gaza after the October 7, 2023 assault, and the aggressive occupation of the West Bank have reignited the debate on boycotting the country. While the idea of sanctioning Israel initially faced much criticism in the West, this has changed in the face of accusations of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. Today, more than ever, governments and civil societies around the world are considering the possibility of using sanctions and boycotts as a means of pressure.
In fact, some argue that a silent boycott of Israel, economic, academic, and cultural, is already happening. Data from the Manufacturers Association of Israel show that Israeli exports fell sharply last year, with only four countries—Germany, Taiwan, India, and the US—increasing their imports from Israel. Prime minister Netanyahu has prepared the economy for the transition to a self-sufficient economy.
However, for some Western governments, and especially in Germany, boycotting Israel is still a taboo. While French dockworkers are blocking military cargo bound to Israel, Italian supermarkets ban Israeli products, and Irish, Danish, Dutch and Norwegian pension funds have divested from companies involved in settlements, Germany declares Israel its „premium partner“ in cyber security and military cooperation. This unwavering support for Israel from powerful Western governments makes a grassroots boycott the only remaining possibility for citizens of those countries to exert pressure on Israel.
When searching for historical precedents, reference is often made to South Africa, where an international trade embargo contributed to the fall of the apartheid regime. Can this example be applied to Israel and Palestine? What are the similarities and differences? What lessons can be learned from the South African case so that sanctions and boycotts become effective instruments in the fight against occupation and apartheid?
The panel will discuss the role that the state and society can play in these efforts and how sanctions and boycotts must be designed to stop crimes without affecting allies or causing humanitarian suffering. Should only certain individuals, specific economic sectors, or state institutions and their representatives be targeted? Or is it necessary to isolate a country’s entire economy and business community in order to mobilize them against their political leadership? Is it helpful or harmful to boycott cultural institutions, artists, athletes, universities, scientists, and even Israeli NGOs within the so-called peace camp?
